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By Jay Cost

After the Constitutional conference, Benjamin Franklin used to be requested, “Well, health care professional, what have we got—a Republic or a Monarchy?” Franklin’s reaction: “A Republic—if you could preserve it.”

This ebook argues: we couldn’t preserve it.

A precise republic privileges the typical curiosity above the distinct pursuits. to do that, our structure confirmed an complicated process of tests and balances that separates energy one of the branches of presidency, and areas them in clash with each other. The Framers believed that this is able to maintain greedy, covetous factions from buying adequate energy to dominate govt. as a substitute, in basic terms the folk could rule.

Proper institutional layout is vital to the program. each one department needs to deal with responsibly the powers it really is granted, in addition to rebuke the opposite branches once they pass off track. this can be the place next generations have run into hassle: now we have overloaded our govt with extra strength than it may possibly deal with. The Constitution's assessments and balances have damaged down as the associations created in 1787 can't workout responsibly the powers of our sprawling, massive twenty-first century government.

The result's the triumph of distinct pursuits over the typical curiosity. James Madison referred to as this factionalism. we all know it as political corruption.

Corruption this present day is so frequent that our govt isn't quite a bit a republic, yet really a unique curiosity democracy. each person might take part, sure, however the contours of public coverage count no longer quite a bit at the universal stable, yet really the push-and-pull of some of the curiosity teams encamped in Washington, DC.

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Extra resources for A Republic No More: Big Government and the Rise of American Political Corruption

Sample text

The Fauroux report of 1996 recommended that ‘the education system and all its users come together to draw up a set of benchmark skills [‘un référentiel de compétences’] specifying an obligation for schooling to produce results that can sit alongside the obligation for pupils to attend school’ (Fauroux & Chacornac, 1996, p. 72). Certainly, this gives a foretaste of a rather different harnessing of the ‘common foundation’ motif in terms of a benchmark skills agenda making schools more directly accountable to the express demands of economic capital.

To ensure the further mining of this emblematic seam, the UMP had announced its own ‘debate’ on the place of Islam in France for the spring, though it finally tried to euphemize somewhat the manifest intent behind the device by presenting a round table on Islam in France as simply one component of a wider debate on laicity. The political agenda was too obvious to the leaders of the principal religious organizations, who declined the invitation, and set about promoting what they called a more serene ‘laïcité de bonne intelligence’ – a laicity of good understanding (Le Bars, 2011b).

To ensure the further mining of this emblematic seam, the UMP had announced its own ‘debate’ on the place of Islam in France for the spring, though it finally tried to euphemize somewhat the manifest intent behind the device by presenting a round table on Islam in France as simply one component of a wider debate on laicity. The political agenda was too obvious to the leaders of the principal religious organizations, who declined the invitation, and set about promoting what they called a more serene ‘laïcité de bonne intelligence’ – a laicity of good understanding (Le Bars, 2011b).

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